Casinos And Indian Reservations

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Impacts of Native American gaming can be positive or negative, depending on the tribe and its location. In the 1970s, various Native American tribes took unprecedented action to initiate gaming enterprises.[1] In doing so, they created not only a series of legal struggles between the federal, state, and tribal governments, but also a groundbreaking way to revitalize the Native American economy. Native American gaming has grown from bingo parlors to high-stakes gaming, and is surrounded by controversy on many different levels. Disputes exist concerning tribal sovereignty, negative effects of gaming, and a loss of Native American culture.[2] In the United States, the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act was passed in 1988 to secure collaboration between the states and tribes and also for the federal government to oversee gaming operations. Native American gaming has proven to be extremely lucrative for several tribes, but it has also been unsuccessful in some instances. Native American gaming is contingent upon and only beneficial to its respective reservation.[3]

Casinos And Indian Reservations

Success[edit]

  • Native American gambling is a specific endeavor and refers to casino-style operations, bingo halls and other forms of gambling, conducted in Indian reservations or other tribal lands across the United States. Since the state governments are restrained in prohibiting such activities in these territories, as postulated by the 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, all tribal.
  • In 2019, tribes created $35 billion in casino-based revenue. So, casinos are central to tribal economic planning, but it comes with a catch: only a handful of them truly sustain those economies.
  • According to the authors, payments from the tribes were estimated to be in excess of $350 million in 2002, and 'effectively prevented the state from granting a license for a proposed non-Indian casino in the Bridgeport area.' Nationwide, 'half of the Indians on or near reservations now belong to tribes that have opened Las Vegas-style casinos.'

Gaming can be extremely successful because it stimulates the economy, increases tourism to reservations, reduces unemployment, raises incomes, and increases tribal independence while reducing dependence upon welfare. It has created over 300,000 jobs in the United States.[4] Tribes in only 30 states are eligible to operate gaming enterprises because 16 states have no federally recognized tribes, and five states (Massachusetts, Texas, Missouri, Rhode Island, and Utah) prohibit Native American gaming.[5] 224 of the 550 tribes in 28 states operate the 350 Native American gaming enterprises nationwide,[6] and 68% of Native Americans belong to a tribe with gaming operations.[1] According to the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development, these enterprises earned $19.4 billion in 2005.

Tribes are sovereign nations but are following advice from U.S. States and the federal government to slow the virus' spread. That means shutting American Indian casinos which employ a combined. Some tribes have multiple reservations allotted to them, while around 200 of the nation's 550+ recognized Indian tribes have no land at all. Revenue – While Las Vegas and Atlantic City would hate to admit it, the annual revenue from casinos on Indian reservations exceeds the combined totals for gaming in both cities. In 2009, for example.

And

Success[edit]

  • Native American gambling is a specific endeavor and refers to casino-style operations, bingo halls and other forms of gambling, conducted in Indian reservations or other tribal lands across the United States. Since the state governments are restrained in prohibiting such activities in these territories, as postulated by the 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, all tribal.
  • In 2019, tribes created $35 billion in casino-based revenue. So, casinos are central to tribal economic planning, but it comes with a catch: only a handful of them truly sustain those economies.
  • According to the authors, payments from the tribes were estimated to be in excess of $350 million in 2002, and 'effectively prevented the state from granting a license for a proposed non-Indian casino in the Bridgeport area.' Nationwide, 'half of the Indians on or near reservations now belong to tribes that have opened Las Vegas-style casinos.'

Gaming can be extremely successful because it stimulates the economy, increases tourism to reservations, reduces unemployment, raises incomes, and increases tribal independence while reducing dependence upon welfare. It has created over 300,000 jobs in the United States.[4] Tribes in only 30 states are eligible to operate gaming enterprises because 16 states have no federally recognized tribes, and five states (Massachusetts, Texas, Missouri, Rhode Island, and Utah) prohibit Native American gaming.[5] 224 of the 550 tribes in 28 states operate the 350 Native American gaming enterprises nationwide,[6] and 68% of Native Americans belong to a tribe with gaming operations.[1] According to the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development, these enterprises earned $19.4 billion in 2005.

Tribes are sovereign nations but are following advice from U.S. States and the federal government to slow the virus' spread. That means shutting American Indian casinos which employ a combined. Some tribes have multiple reservations allotted to them, while around 200 of the nation's 550+ recognized Indian tribes have no land at all. Revenue – While Las Vegas and Atlantic City would hate to admit it, the annual revenue from casinos on Indian reservations exceeds the combined totals for gaming in both cities. In 2009, for example.

As compared to the $4.5 billion earned by Native American gaming revenues in 1995, these enterprises have shown substantial growth in just 10 years. These enterprises, earning $19.4 billion a year, account for 25.8% of the nation's $75 billion revenue (brought in by the total gaming enterprises in the country).[1] In addition, Native American gaming is the source of 400,000 jobs, and the profits from the enterprises often go toward programs that create jobs.[6] For example, 75% of the profit generated by Cherokee Nation Enterprises in 2005 was given to the Jobs Growth Fund, which expands businesses within the Cherokee Nation to create more jobs.[7]

Revenues, by law, must go toward improving reservation communities. The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act requires that revenues go toward tribal government operations, promotion of the welfare of the tribe and its citizens, economic development, support of charitable organizations, and compensation to local non-Native governments for support of services provided by those governments.[1] Tribes have boosted their socioeconomic status in the past several years by improving their infrastructure, but due to the lack of federal and state funding, have only been able to do so as a result of gaming enterprises. For instance, tribes often build casino-related facilities that draw visitors such as hotels, conference centers, entertainment venues, golf courses, and RV parks.

Once a reservation has established a strong economic foundation, it can draw in businesses that are unrelated to gaming. A common trend is that casinos stimulate the economy, and other business sustain it. For instance, the San Manuel Band of Mission Indians built in a water-bottling plant on the reservation, and along with three other tribes, invested in a hotel in Washington, DC. The Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska is involved in a number of businesses, some of which are internet media, home manufacturing, used autos, and gas stations. The Morongo Band of Mission Indians, a small band in California, has opened a Shell station, A&W drive-in, Coco's Restaurant, a water-bottling plant, and a fruit orchard operation. In addition to involvement in private corporations, Native nations have enough sustainability to bolster government programs. Some of these projects include, but are not limited to: providing law enforcement, fire fighters, schools, translators for emergency response, college scholarships, assistance with mortgage down payments, protection for endangered species, monitoring for water quality, care for elders, police cars, foster-care improvements, and health clinics.[1]

Tribes sometimes distribute funds on a per capita basis to directly benefit its citizens.[8] Because these have sometimes shown negative effects such as a dependence on tribal government, low attendance in school, and an unwillingness to work, some tribes have experimented with decreasing per capita payments as punishment. To clarify, the Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation Tribal Council deducted at least $100 from families' payments if children have low school attendance. This ordinance resulted in a 30% increase in graduation in three years, a substantial increase. Furthermore, the Las Vegas Paiute Nation deducted funding for jail provision from the offender's payments because the Nation itself does not have a jail and must rent it from other governments. Punishments such as these provide an incentive for morality through a direct link to financial assistance from the payments themselves.[1]

States also benefit from Native American gaming enterprises. States cannot tax reservations, but they can, under IGRA, negotiate a compact and demand compact payments. Tribes usually pay near or less than 10% of profit to states. The state of Michigan earned an estimated$325 million from tribes spanning from 1993-2003.[1]

Laws require a tribe to agree to a state compact if they request one, but the IGRA says nothing about local governments. However, many tribes do negotiate with local governments. They place a strain on traffic and emergency services, and a tribe not uncommonly tries to compensate for that. Native Americans pay $50 million annually to local governments across the nation. In addition, non-Natives hold 75% of the 300,000 jobs that belong to Native American gaming.[4]

With gaming profits, the Creek Nation of Oklahoma has built its own hospital staffed by Native American doctors and nurses.[5] Other tribes establish health clinics, dialysis centers, and fitness centers to deal with the problem of Native American disease and epidemics. Many tribes work toward securing hope for the future by improving schools. The Mille Lacs Band of Ojibwe built two schools that teach fluency in English as well as Ojibwe language.[4]

Failure[edit]

There have been many past attempts to revitalize Native American economies, but most of them have failed. Two of the more successful ventures, besides gaming, include selling gasoline and cigarettes for a much lower price than can be found off the reservation. Tribes are able to sell cheaper goods because there is no state tax. Lower prices draw in non-Natives from off-reservation sites, and tribes are able to earn a considerable profit. Seminole annual income grew from $600,000 in 1968 to $4.5 million in 1977. Smokeshops account for most of this substantial increase. Less effective efforts by the Seminole Nation to boost the economy include cattle raising, craft selling, and alligator wrestling.[2] Cattle operations are popular among the Seminole tribe: with their 7,000 head herd, Seminoles are the largest cattle operators in the state of Florida and the twelfth largest in the United States. However, cattle operations are not overwhelmingly successful because they have been known to benefit the individual rather than the tribe. In addition, cattle operations led to government dependency and debt. Another economic endeavor is craft sales. Some individuals create traditional Seminole crafts and sell them, but this market does not leave a huge impact on the tribal economy. Instead, it benefits the individual as a supplementary income. Alligator wrestling is yet another moneymaker but is not relied upon. Alligator wrestling originated in the 1920s and became synonymous with Seminole culture. It has been denigrated as exploitative, though, and is quite risky. Consequently, alligator wrestling has become less prevalent with the growing popularity of Native American gaming.[2]

If a Native American casino is unsuccessful, its failure is often linked to its geographic location. The size of a tribe is usually insignificant. This argument follows the logic of a free market economy. Tribes with a strong economic base find it easier to draw in new businesses and consumers. Tribes in remote locations suffer because they lack a consumer base to support new and existing businesses.[4] For example, the Morongo Band of Mission Indians is very small, but their gaming enterprises are overwhelmingly successful. In contrast, the Sioux Nation, a very large nation, has struggled to achieve success with gaming enterprises. Regardless of its thousands of members and approximately 12 gambling halls, the Sioux Nation is unable to benefit from gaming enterprises because it is too isolated from potential customers. Another example is found in San Diego County. Four tribes in San Diego County had ambitious plans for a $100 million-plus resort and convention center but preemptively scaled back this idea because they are in an inconvenient location. Far away from other civilization and in close proximity to each other, the tribes concluded their chances of an overwhelming success were slim.[5]

The Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, the second largest reservation in the United States, suffers from extreme poverty. It is the poorest county in the United States and has attempted to revitalize its economy through the gambling industry. However, these attempts have failed. Its casino created a mere 80 jobs,[4] but this figure is insignificant since the unemployment rate on the reservation is up to 95%. The reservation has higher unemployment, diabetes, infant mortality, teen suicide, dropout, and alcoholism rates than the country on a whole. Many homes are dilapidated, overcrowded, and without water, plumbing, and electricity. Pine Ridge's failed attempts are predictable considering the closest major city, Denver, Colorado, is 350 miles away.[9]

Impact on native cultures[edit]

With Native American gaming has come the image of a 'rich Indian.' This depiction contrasts other images of Native Americans portrayed as savage, pure, connected to nature, and spiritual. The reality (that some Native Americans are powerful entrepreneurs) contradicts the notion of what a Native American is 'supposed to be.' 'Rich Indian' propaganda even circulated in response to Proposition 5 in California in 1998[5] that perpetuated the stereotype that 'the only good Indian is a poor Indian.'[10]

Eve Darian-Smith and others have asserted that the impact of gaming on Indian culture in general is a loss of a cultural myth. According to Ronald Wright, these ideas are based on stereotypes and are 'construed by the dominant society in an effort to control and justify the enduring inequalities and injustices that permeate our legal system and social landscape.'[5] One perspective is that Native American gaming is not so much damaging Native culture as it is merely changing a cultural myth, the way the general population perceives Native Americans. Additionally, Native American gaming can be viewed as a means to rejuvenate and preserve tribal culture. For instance, many tribes use revenues generated from gaming toward museums and cultural centers. Tribes are not only able to fund themselves independently but can also afford to preserve their individual histories.[5]

Controversy[edit]

Morality of Native American gaming[edit]

There is some controversy of Native American gambling because it is argued that it contributes to a moral decay. Gambling, it is argued, promotes crime and pathological behavior.[5]Gambling addictions as well as drug and alcohol abuse are sometimes associated with Native American gaming. In 1962, the total estimated sums in the United States totaled $2 billion. This figure jumped to $18 billion in 1976, to $80 billion in 1985, and to $400 billion in 1993. In 2000, the total estimated sums wagered in the United States was $866 billion. In 2000, the commercial take was 10%, so the gaming industry earned approximately $70 billion, even accounting for the fact that gamblers win some money back. That is over three times the $22 billion in total revenues generated by all other forms of entertainment combined: tickets to movies, plays, concerts, performances, and sports events. Moreover, Native American gaming contributes to only a fraction of gambling in the United States. Native American casinos bring in only 17% of gambling revenue, while non-Native casinos raise 43%.[5]

Casinos And Indian Reservations Reservation

TIME magazine controversy[edit]

In late 2002, TIME magazine printed a special report entitled 'Indian Casinos: Wheel of Misfortune' that infuriated Native Americans nationwide. Ernie Stevens, Jr., Chairman of the National Indian Gaming Association, wrote a letter to the editor of TIME in response to the report.[4]

Native American gaming in popular culture[edit]

Native American gaming has appeared many times in literature. The first appearance of Native American gaming was in John Rollin Ridge's 1854 novel The Life and Adventures of Joaquin Murieta. Christal Quintasket wrote about Native American gaming in her 1927 novel Cogewea, the Half-Blood. Gerald Vizenor writes on this theme in Bearheart: The Heirship Chronicles,The Heirs of Columbus, and Dead Voices. Leslie Marmon Silko wrote a 1977 novel called Ceremony that focuses on gambling. Louise Erdrich, a prominent Native American author, wrote Love Medicine, Tracks, and The Bingo Palace. Traditional, ritual gaming is a common theme in these pieces of literature and provide literary, rather than fact-based, accounts of Native American gaming.[11]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ abcdefgHarvard. The State of the Native Nations. New York: Oxford UP, 2008. Print.
  2. ^ abcCattelino, Jessica R. High Stakes: Florida Seminole Gaming and Sovereignty. Durham: Duke UP, 2008. Print.
  3. ^Harvard. The State of the Native Nations. New York: Oxford UP, 2008. Print.5
  4. ^ abcdefStevens, Jr., Ernest L. (December 10, 2002). 'NIGA RESPONDS TO TIME ARTICLE'. Minnesota Indian Gaming Association. Archived from the original on May 30, 2006. Retrieved March 31, 2014.
  5. ^ abcdefghDarian-Smith, Eve. New Capitalists: Law, Politics, and Identity Surrounding Casino Gaming on Native American Land. Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth, 2004. Print.
  6. ^ abWaldman, Carl. Atlas of The North American Indian. 3rd ed. New York: Infobase, 2009. Print.
  7. ^SMITH 8
  8. ^Waldman, Carl. Atlas of The North American Indian. 3rd ed. New York: Infobase, 2009. Print. 281
  9. ^Schwartz, Stephanie M. 'WAMBLI HO, VOICE OF THE EAGLES: SPECIAL REPORT.' Native Village. 2002. Web. 11 Oct. 2009. .
  10. ^Los Angeles Times, October 27, 1998
  11. ^Pasquaretta, Paul. Gambling and Survival in Native North America. Tucson: The University of Arizona, 2003. Print.
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Casinos And Indian Reservations

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Casinos And Indian Reservations Buffet

NATIONAL GAMBLING IMPACT STUDY
COMMISSION


NATIVE AMERICAN GAMING

Issues: economic and social impact on reservation members and on surrounding communities; problem gamblers; constitutional status of reservations; state and federal authority regarding Indian gaming; level playing field regarding taxes and regulation vis-à-vis non-Indian gaming

Native American gaming (also referred to as Indian gaming or tribal gaming), at least on its current scale, is a relatively recent phenomenon and has developed in ways that even its proponents did not anticipate, very quickly becoming an enormous and still-rapidly-growing industry. It has generated very complex legal issues and problems, ranging from constitutional clashes over state and federal powers to rivalries within and between tribes and states. As a result (or perhaps a cause), this industry has been shaped to a very large degree by federal court rulings, rather than the political process; several ongoing cases are currently making their way through state and federal courts, several with the potential to significantly alter existing conditions and practices. As in most constitutional issues, principal and self-interest are conflated: the most abstract and noble principals cannot be easily separated from narrow self-interest. Because of the large sums of money at stake, disputes over Indian gaming have been the means of bringing many of these otherwise abstract issues to a head.

The Federal-State-Tribal Triangle

Federally-recognized Indian tribes are grouped under the legal status of 'defeated nations.' (Several non-recognized tribes, including some thought defunct for almost two centuries, are currently seeking official recognition, for a variety of motivations. Without such a designation, constitutionally they are little more than private associations). These tribes, both as collective units and their individual members, are wards of the federal government, which has a legal responsibility for their protection and the promotion of their welfare. As such, they enjoy rights, or suffer restrictions, not applicable to other Americans. For example, reservation land is not owned by the tribes or their members but instead is held in trust by the federal government. And reservations are virtually off-limits to state and local laws and authorities, even though reservation members vote in state elections. This triangular relationship between individual tribes, the respective states, and the federal government forms the center of the debate over Native America gaming, and is never absent from any aspect of it.

One key part of this many-faceted debate is the ever-present debate between those who believe assimilation into the larger American society is a worthwhile objective, and those who vociferously oppose it. As part of this contest, the image of reservations for many has changed from being places in which the residents were involuntarily confined to being places of protection from outside forces, especially against the several state governments, traditionally seen as hostile to Native American rights (The federal government, despite all of its possible benign neglect -- and the Hollywood image notwithstanding -- has traditionally been regarded as their protector). A desire to protect their 'sovereignty' against state and federal encroachment has motivated both proponents and opponents of Indian gaming, with many proponents seeing it as a means of gaining financial independence from the federal government, and some opponents seeing it as the means by which both state and federal government can increase its presence on the reservation. This argument, among others, was successfully employed by leaders of the anti-gambling movement in the two occasions when voters on the Navajo reservation, the largest in the country, turned down gambling.

Creating the Industry

The Supreme Court, in the so-called Cabazon decision of 1987, in effect removed virtually all existing restrictions on gambling on Indian reservations. What had previously been a relatively small and isolated phenomenon suddenly began growing rapidly. In response, Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) in 1988, which in effect authorized casino gambling on Indian reservations and provided a regulatory framework and oversight body for the industry in the form of the National Indian Gaming Commission (NIGC). Indian gaming was divided into three classes for purposes of licensing and regulation; Class I covers charitable and social gaming for nominal prizes; class II includes bingo, punch-boards and pull-tabs; Class III facilities include casinos, high-stakes bingo, slot machines, and all other commercial forms of gambling.

As of December 31, 1996, there were 184 tribes operating 281 gaming facilities on and off reservations. 24 states have Indian gaming; of these, 14 have casinos on Indian reservations. In 8 of these states, the only casinos in the state are on Indian reservations. In 1995, total Class III gaming revenues (money wagered minus payouts) from all sources: over $4.5 billion, with 8 facilities accounting for 40% of the total (in addition, over $300 million in revenues was earned from sale of food, hotel rooms, etc., for combined total revenue of approximately $4.9 billion). Net income (revenues minus expenses): $1.9 billion, or 38% of the $4.9 billion.

Of the $1.9 billion in net income ($1.7 from casinos, $200 million from non-charitable bingo), approximately $1.6 billion was received by 106 tribes from the operators (usually non-Indian corporations). Ten of the tribes accounted for over half of this total.

For purposes of comparison, in 1995 the 109 Class III Indian gaming facilities (casino-type gaming) generated about the same total amount in gaming revenues as the 12 Atlantic City casinos, and surpassed them in 1996. They also grossed more than 50% of the gaming revenues of the 213 Nevada casinos. This works out to 18% of the national total of casino gaming revenues and 10% of all gaming revenues. Of these 109 facilities, 8 accounted for almost half of the total revenues. This uneven distribution of revenue earned by individual casinos is similar to that of the industry in Nevada, where a handful of the 213 licensed casinos account for the bulk of the gambling revenues, and unlike that of the Atlantic City casinos, which are far more equal in their share of the local business.

It need be noted that there is no regular, comprehensive reporting of income, expenditures, etc. by Class III casinos. Many of the figures in the public literature ascribed to Indian gaming are estimates based on dubious statistics. The most reliable information comes from a General Accounting Office (GAO) study in 1997 which reported accurate data for the first time. No ongoing reporting source of accurate information is as yet in place.

Gambling as a Panacea

In addition to purposes such as regulating an industry recently brought into existence and beyond the reach of state regulators, IGRA's proponents wanted to use gambling as a means of providing money for financing tribal governments, which often had little or no tax base, and also as part of a general effort to promote the economic self-sufficiency of the tribes. For this and other reasons, the IRS has determined that for purposes of income taxation, the gambling income of the Indian tribes and their federally-chartered corporations (the form casinos usually take) are not subject to federal income tax. Some tribes have chosen to distribute all or a portion of the tribe's net income from gambling to individual tribal members. However, distributions of tribal money to individual members can only be done if approved by the Secretary of the Interior, following criteria set forth in IGRA. Money received by individual members of the tribes is fully subject to federal income tax.

Manna in the Desert

Without question, Native American reservations have some of the highest rates of poverty, unemployment, welfare dependency, school dropout, alcoholism, and other indicators of poverty and social distress of any communities in the U.S. Many are located in remote areas with little indigenous economic activity. Given this background, it is not surprising that gambling has been seized upon by many tribes, as it is one of the few proven and available means of generating income for them. The prospect of sudden wealth after seemingly endless poverty has given the disputes an element of emotional immediacy that the complex and intransigent constitutional issues themselves probably would lack.

The issue of economic benefit is further complicated by the fact that much of this accrues not to the tribes or their members but to outside individuals, such as non-Indian locals who usually comprise the overwhelming majority of workers in Indian casinos, and the non-Indian corporations which are the usual operators of the casinos.

State-Tribal Conflict

Under federal law, the individual states have little or no authority over Indian reservations, including the ability to tax or regulate gambling or any other activity. For example, state officials, including the police, cannot exercise their authority on a reservation without tribal permission. Although in theory the several states can ban any form of gambling throughout their territory, in practice the lack of authority of state officials over reservations makes enforcement difficult there. Because the Supreme Court's decision in Cabazon threatened to create islands of virtually unregulated gambling throughout the U.S., IGRA included the provision that tribes wishing to conduct Class III gaming had to sign a 'compact' with the respective state (or states: reservations often overlap state borders) which typically includes measures for state regulation and for sharing of revenues. Other issues may be included. For example, states have typically required tribes to surrender any outstanding land claims in return for approving the compact.

This measure has produced controversy of its own. Some states have been accused of using this proviso to prevent the opening of all or some specific type of gaming facilities, both on and off reservations, either by refusing to negotiate with the tribes, or by allegedly presenting unreasonable conditions. For their part, some tribes do not want their gambling activities to be restricted at all by any state, however accommodating it may in fact be. The Interior Department recently announced a plan to give the Secretary of the Interior the power to bypass those state governments which have not negotiated 'in good faith' and directly grant permission to any Indian tribe petitioning to open a gambling facility. This proposed measure has drawn strong protests from several states and raises important issues concerning state and federal constitutional law. (This measure is separate from the subject of current investigations into possible campaign finance irregularities in 1996 involving Indian casinos).

The Power to Regulate

Indian gaming also directly concerns both the legal and actual power of the federal and states governments to regulate economic and social activities. States may be powerless to prevent gambling activities on reservations that the citizens and legislature of the state have decided to ban or to regulate, and the federal government may be unwilling or unable to assist this effort.

This far-from-abstract question has entered another level this year with the opening by the Coeur d'Alene tribe in Idaho of a site on the Internet for gambling, the first in the U.S. This innovation promises to test all sorts of issues, including the ability of state and federal governments to regulate the Internet. As the name U.S. Lottery indicates, this is billed as a national lottery, available not only on the Internet but also over the phone. A series of additional games are planned for the site. Many states ban gambling advertising and gambling on out-of-state operations (or even any form of gambling), and a coalition of state attorneys general immediately filed suit to block its operations on the Internet, but this has not prevented the Coeur d'Alene tribe from continuing its operations or changed its plans to expand.

A Government-Sanctioned Monopoly

A recurring theme is fairness: can the government sanction guaranteed privileges for one group of citizens over another? Non-Indian casino operators, for example, claim that Indian casinos have an unfair advantage, as the former are far more heavily regulated and taxed by both the state and federal governments than are the latter. In Nevada, for example, Indian gaming operates under significantly different conditions than their non-Indian competitors. Proponents of Indian gaming retort that they have been the objects of economic discrimination for centuries and that their residence on poor reservations was not their choice.

Much of the success of Indian gaming comes from their monopoly or near-monopoly of legalized gambling in a particular state or region. For example, the giant Foxwoods casino in Connecticut (reportedly the largest in the world), along with the smaller Mohegan Sun casino, between them have a near-monopoly on casino gambling in New England, one that is guaranteed by the state of Connecticut (at least for that state). Similar situations in other states has led to inter-tribal conflicts, conflicts between Indian and non-Indian areas over gambling revenues, conflicts with states seeking to restrict gambling, etc. The example of Foxwoods has led seemingly defunct tribes in New England to petition for federal recognition. As each tribe has broad freedom to determine its membership, based on some formula of percentage of tribal ancestry, such designation may carry large economic benefits. The individual states are generally opposed to new recognitions of this type.

Proponents and critics alike acknowledge that Foxwoods casino is unique in the world of Indian gaming. Foxwoods' success is the result of a deal struck with the state of Connecticut in 1991 (the casino opened in February 1992). In the deal, the state was granted 1/4 of the gross revenues from slot machines in exchange for legalizing slot machines exclusively for Foxwoods and the nearby Mohegan reservation, in addition to other provisions such as the surrender of old land claims making their way through the unpredictable federal courts.





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